By Melvyn C. Goldstein
It's not attainable to totally comprehend modern politics among China and the Dalai Lama with no realizing what happened--and why--during the Nineteen Fifties. In a publication that maintains the tale of Tibet's heritage that he begun in his acclaimed A heritage of recent Tibet, 1913-1951: The loss of life of the Lamaist country, Melvyn C. Goldstein severely revises our knowing of that key interval in midcentury. This authoritative account makes use of new archival fabric, together with by no means sooner than obvious records, and large interviews with Tibetans, together with the Dalai Lama, and with chinese language officers. Goldstein furnishes attention-grabbing and infrequently outstanding pics of those significant gamers as he deftly unravels the fateful intertwining of Tibetan and chinese language politics opposed to the backdrop of the Korean warfare, the tenuous Sino-Soviet alliance, and American chilly battle coverage.
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Additional resources for A History of Modern Tibet, Volume 2: The Calm before the Storm: 1951-1955 (Philip E. Lilienthal Books)
Its leaders saw Tibet’s greatness in its religious in- 1. Goldstein 1989: 816. 3 Virtually all ofﬁces and positions in that government were headed by lay and monk ofﬁcials jointly sharing power. This tiny bureaucracy was able to administer a country the size of western Europe, because the Tibetan government operated under a minimalist philosophy in which most governmental functions were performed by local lords who held manorial estates. The lay ofﬁcial segment of the government was recruited from a hereditary aristocracy that consisted of about two hundred families.
However, to be successful generation after generation, mass monasticism required powerful and effective mechanisms for recruiting large numbers of monks, retaining them in lives of celibacy and supporting them materially. The Tibetan monastic system was unusual in the Buddhist world in that the overwhelming majority of monks were placed in monasteries by their parents when they were just children, usually between the ages of seven and ten or eleven, without regard for their personality or wishes.
Introduction 13 tion, so long as all the obligations owed to the estate were performed when the lord demanded it. Finally, the fact that virtually the entire peasantry was hereditarily bound to an estate and lord did not mean that the peasantry was homogeneous in terms of standard of living and status. First, government-owned estates differed signiﬁcantly from aristocratic- and monastic-owned estates in that they generally had only tenement land; that is, all of a government-owned estate’s land was divided among the peasants, who in turn had heavy obligations not only in labor but also in kind.